Ultimate Sacrifice-The Whole is Less than the Sum of its parts

                                              John Delane Williams

There is a saying from Gestalt philosophy/psychology: The whole is more than the sum of its parts. The book by Lamar Waldron, with Thom Hartman [1] proves, to my way of thinking, to be a counterexample to that Gestalt maxim. That is, their whole contribution is less than the sum of its parts. They conclude that one of the many plans to remove from power Fidel Castro, which they term “C-Day”, and planned for December 1, 1963, was sidetracked by the mafia, and with the help of one person in the employ of the CIA ( David Morales, stationed in Miami) changed the objective of  “C-Day” to be the assassination of President Kennedy, to be accomplished in Chicago (November 2, 1963), Tampa  (November 18, 1963) or Dallas (November 22, 1963). It is their conclusion that I find to be unwarranted, particularly as it excludes other participants in Kennedy’s assassination. On the other hand, they have  completed research related to the JFK assassination that does make a contribution.

They investigated each of the two less known potential sites with their separate patsies. They address the framing of Abraham Bolden, the first Black member of the Secret Service. They give a much more in depth consideration to the involvement of Richard Cain, the chief investigator in the sheriff’s office  in Chicago. Cain was also a “made” member of the mafia, and connected to the CIA. This part of their research is a definite contribution. On the other hand, their conclusions about the “C-Day” operation would seem to be misguided; some might even term it “misinformation”.

                              The Aborted Chicago Assassination Attempt

Abraham Bolden, Richard Cain, and Thomas Arthur Valle were showcased in Waldron & Hartman’s research. Bolden was a member of the Secret Service stationed in Chicago,   and instrumental in bringing the information of the Kennedy assassination plans for Chicago, leading to the cancellation of Kennedy’s motorcade and cancelling his appearance at the Army-Air Force football game at Soldier Field. Bolden later traveled to testify before the Warren Commission, only to be framed by mafia members on a counterfeiting charge that would send him to prison. Had Bolden testified, he would have described a proposed attempt on Kennedy’s life by a group of four Cuban dissidents. This testimony would seemingly have left the lone assassin theory in shambles. Thomas Arthur Valle was to be the patsy in Chicago.                                                                           

Thomas Arthur Valle, like Lee Harvey Oswald, had served in the Marines; in Valle’s case from 1949-1952, and from 1955-1957, when he was honorably discharged with a diagnosis of schizophrenic reaction, paranoid type, with manifestations of homosexuality and  femininity.

Valle had some involvement with the John Birch Society. Valle had trained Cuban exiles to assassinate Castro for the CIA. Apparently, Cain was privy to the information on Valle, and was poised to release the information as soon as JFK was assassinated in Chicago (in much the same manner as information was released regarding Oswald in Dallas twenty days later). The actual potential assassins were four Cubans,  whom Bolden reported on to other Secret Service personnel.

                              The Aborted Tampa Assassination Attempt

 Less is known about the Tampa attempt. A brief article occurred in the Tampa Tribune on November 23, 1963. It appeared in only one edition of the paper. Two persons were of interest (perhaps as potential patsies): Gilberto Lopez and Miguel Casas Saez. Lopez had a brother who was then studying in Russia; Saez had learned Russian in Cuba from Russian instructors. The CIA received two reports on Saez between the Chicago aborted attempt and the planned Tampa attempt. Lopez was actually a member of the Tampa chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC), and attended meetings. There was a reported meeting between Oswald, Lopez, and a key member of the Tampa FPCC which purportedly took place the weekend before the proposed Tampa attempt, in Tampa. Apparently the rationale for such a meeting was to link  Oswald and Lopez.  Oswald might have been impersonated by someone else at this meeting. Both Lopez and Saez crossed into Mexico shortly after the assassination, returning to Cuba. Supposedly Oswald was expected to have left for Cuba at the same time. Lopez’s wife remained in the US and had not heard from him since November, 1963; they were never divorced.  

                                                  The “C-Day” Plan

The “C-Day” Plan, so-called by Waldron & Hartman (they appear not to have discovered a name specific to this plan) was but one of more than a score of plans to remove Fidel Castro from power, either by coup, or by assassination. Waldron & Hartman claim that Both John and Robert Kennedy were in agreement to support a “C-Day” plan to remove Castro from office. The problem was, that the plan of the Kennedys’ seems to vary from the plan of the other participants. Somewhere there was a disconnect between the expectancies of the Kennedys, the

Cubans, the CIA, and the CIA operatives (which includes some mafia members, as did other anti-Castro plots). A close reading of JFK’s intentions would show that,  were any US government involvement to take place, Castro would first have to be removed from power. (Shades of the Bay of Pigs). In JFK’s speech addressing the Cuban situation (November 18, 1963), which, according to Waldron & Hartman, had a special message to the “C-Day” coup leader (who was never identified by the authors, but presumably was Che Guevarra) that was to show the solidarity of JFK to the “C-Day” plan (scheduled for December 1, 1963):

      “...The goals proclaimed in the Sierra Maestra were betrayed in Havana.  It is important

      to  restate what now divides Cuba from my country and from the other countries of this                  hemisphere. It is the fact that a small band of conspirators has stripped the Cuban people

      of their freedom and handed over the independence and sovereignty of the Cuban nation

      to forces beyond the hemisphere. They have made Cuba a victim of foreign imperialism,

      an instrument of the policy of others, a weapon in an effort dictated by external powers to               subvert the other American republics.

      This, and this alone, divides us.

      As long as this is true, nothing is possible. Without it, everything is possible. Once this barrier is removed,

     we will be ready and anxious to work with the Cuban people in

     pursuit of those progressive goals which a few short years ago stirred their hopes and

     the sympathy of many people throughout this hemisphere....” [2]

It seems clear that the phrase, “Once this barrier is removed, we will be ready and anxious to work with the Cuban people...” [3] indicates that the help would come after Castro was removed.

It does make sense for Kennedy not to repeat the foibles of the Bay of Pigs less than three years previously. Of course, this clarification may not have been the wished for response. Undoubtedly, Kennedy would have been aware that Castro was  less likely to be vulnerable in 1963 than he was in 1961. The stakes would have been higher in 1963, with a Russian presence still in Cuba. Were the Russians to provide tactical help, the US might respond, but the response could also remain hypothetical to keep the Russians from providing  tactical aid. One would guess that both the US and Russia would expect Castro to withstand an invasion that did not include US military aid. Thus, it is difficult to see how “C-Day” would succeed, though it is possible that it might. For example, Castro might be removed from power, allowing the US to intercede. It would seem that JFK’s understanding, which surely would be understood by his brother Robert, may have been different from the other “C-Day” participants.

 Waldron & Hartman would have us believe that the mafia had already compromised this plan, and had already had two assassination attempts foiled. There are still other problems with their conclusion that the mafia, together with the CIA’s David Morales, were the only persons responsible for the JFK assassination.

                           LBJ Wasn’t Involved in the JFK Assassination?

“Like Nixon,  LBJ was not part of the JFK assassination plot.” [4]  Showing someone was not part of a plot is very difficult. Given the evidence that does exist, avoiding that evidence does not prove anything other than either they were unaware of it, or they chose to disregard it in building their case against ths mafia. Without attempting an exhaustive list of evidence against Johnson, several writings are suggested; at the very least, Waldron & Hartman’s  conclusion is unwarranted. It seems likely that Johnson was aware of the plan to assassinate President Kennedy prior to the assassination ;  Madeleine Brown had indicated that, on the night of November 21, 1963, LBJ told her, “After tomorrow those goddamn Kennedys will never embarrass me again–that’s no threat– that’s a promise.” [5]   LBJ had many persons who did his bidding for him, including Mac Wallace, Billie Sol Estes and Cliff Carter. Wallace was considered to be a henchman for LBJ, killing up to perhaps 17 people on behalf of LBJ . [6]

There was one unidentified fingerprint at the time of the initial investigation of the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository. [7] Finally, in 1998, this fingerprint was identified as belonging to Mac Wallace . [8] Estes [9] named Cliff Carter, an LBJ aide, as the master planner for the assassination. McClellan [10] wrote a book length effort on showing LBJ was behind the assassination. These writings are but the tip of the iceberg addressing LBJ’s involvement. While one might argue that  the information available on LBJ does not necessarily prove beyond any doubt that LBJ was involved, it is incongruous that a researcher would absolve Johnson without addressing the mounting evidence against him. Also when addressing LBJ’s involvement, no one seriously considers LBJ as a shooter himself; it would be hard to shoot a gun when he was  on the floor of a limousine with a Secret Service agent (Rufus Youngblood) laying on top him. [11] Rather, by discussing LBJ’s involvement implies a network of persons, many of them with something to gain by LBJ, rather than JFK, being president. This network would include persons close to Johnson, such as Mac Wallace, Cliff Carter, Ed Cark (implicated by McClellan [12]), Texas oil interests and perhaps persons from the military-industrial complex. Johnson’s own personal involvement most likely was  in regard to the coverup after the assassination. [13]

                       The CIA Wasn’t Involved in the JFK Assassination?

Waldron & Hartman limit the CIA’s involvement to David Morales: “Thanks to the research of Larry Hancock, we now know that in 1963, David Morales ranked higher in the CIA than David Atlee Phillips, which means Morales was in a position to manipulate Phillips by feeding him disinformation on certain operations.

As for the other CIA officials, there is no evidence of their involvement.” [14]                  

Were Morales the only CIA person involved, he still would have the ability to manipulate far more people than Phillips. But long after Morales left the agency, they have stonewalled on releasing documents related to the assassination,  totaling more than a million pages, which Waldron and Hartman point out several times in their book; to be involved in the cover-up of a conspiracy is to be involved in the conspiracy. It would probably be correct that at least the then director of the CIA, JFK appointed John McCone, would have not likely had knowledge  of unauthorized CIA activities. Perhaps as the missing pages are brought to light, much more will be known.

                                            The Secret Service?

To be fair, Waldron & Hartman do a decent job of reviewing aspects of the Secret Service, and do a commendable job in trying to exonerate Abraham Bolden, the agent who blew the whistle on the Chicago plot. They also review some of the work of Vincent Palamara.. Yet they don’t capture his concept of the security stripping test related to the Dallas trip. [15] What baffles me is their reaction to the Secret Service destroying their records related to the Chicago and Tampa trips:

 “ Secret Service agents in Tampa were probably subjected to the same pressure for secrecy as those in Chicago...It...explains why, in the mid-1990's, the Secret Service destroyed documents about JFK’s motorcades in the weeks before Dallas, rather than turn them over [to] the JFK Assassination Records Review Board as the law required. As noted earlier, that destruction occurred just weeks after the authors had first informed the Review Board about the Tampa attempt.” [16]   I have a hard time not calling the destruction of those records as malfeasance.  The Secret Service directly defied the law. By inference they had something they were hiding; why were they not called to task for their actions?

I find the conclusion that the JFK assassination can be laid at the foot of the mafia, plus David Morales, and none other, as indefensible. I would tend to agree with Walt Brown, “... doubt was cast upon the guilt of certain groups–the mob, the CIA, big oil, the right wing, corporate conglomerates simply because there was not enough data then to make a judgement (1993 when Brown wrote Treachery in Dallas) and point an accusatory finger at one of those groups. As time has passed, however, the finger can now be pointed at those groups as a collective...” [17]

References

1. Waldron, L. & Hartman, T. (2005). Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy, the Plan for a Coup in Cuba, and the Murder of JFK. New York: Carroll & Graf.

2. Ibid., p. 693.

3. Loc. cit.

4. Ibid., p. 267.

5. Brown, M. (1997). Texas in the Morning: The Love Story of Madeleine Brown and President Lyndon Baines Johnson. Baltimore: The Conservatory Press.  p. 166.

6. Caddy, D. (1984). Letter to Stephen S. Trott. In Sardie, L. A Closer Look: Research Materials.

Www.booksonvideo. See also Brown, W. (2005). The Guns of Texas are upon You. Williamsport, PA: The Last Hurrah Press, p. 181.

7. Sloan, B. (1993). JFK: Breaking the Silence. Dallas: Taylor Publishing Co. p. 123.

8. Brown, W. (1998).TSBD Shooter Identified. JFK/Deep Politics Quarterly, 3,3, Extra. See several articles from 3,4 , JFK/Deep Politics Quarterly; also Brown, W. (2005).  p. 225-226.

9. Estes, B.S. (2005). A Texas Legend. Granbury, TX: BS Productions. See also Williams, J.D. (2005). Estes Named Cliff Carter as the Master Strategist in the JFK Assassination. JFK Deep Politics Quarterly, 10, #4, 13-19.

10. McClellan, B. (2003). Blood , Money, & Power: How L.B.J. Killed J.F.K. New York: Hanover House.

11.  Wood, I.D. (2000). 22 November 1963: A Chronology. In Fetzer, J.H. Murder in Dealey Plaza. Chicago: Catfeet Press,  p. 37.

12. McClellan.

13. Williams, J.D. (1999). LBJ & the Assassination conspiracies. JFK/Deep Politics Quarterly, 4,2, 25-28.

14. Waldron & Hartman.  p. 584.

15. Palamara, V.M. (1997). The Third Alternative: Survivor’s Guilt: The Secret Service and the JFK Murder. Pittsburgh: Author.

16. Waldron & Hartman, p. 224.

17. Brown, W. (2005).  p. 128.

In  JFK/Deep Politics Quarterly. (2006). 11, 3, 15-22.

Echo From Dealey Plaza: Abraham Bolden

                                           Echo from Dealey Plaza- Abraham Bolden

                                                     John Delane Williams

Abraham Bolden is a name known to most JFK researchers. Bolden was the first African-American assigned to the White House detail of the secret service. His appointment to the White House detail was facilitated by President Kennedy. Bolden had previously been a Pinkerton detective and then an Illinois State Policeman before entering the Secret Service in 1960. He was stationed in Chicago where his main efforts were in regard to investigating counterfeiters. In the spring of 1961, the president was visiting Chicago. The Secret Service was responsible for every aspect of the president’s security. Bolden’s assignment was among the least desirable; he was guarding a rest room Kennedy might use. It was from this short encounter outside the rest room that Kennedy thought having a black (the word used in 1961 was “negro”) agent in the Secret Service White House detail would be a good move.

Bolden began his service at the White House on June 5, 1961. As it happened, President Kennedy went to Florida shortly thereafter; Bolden was not part of the security detail, and a memo from the Miami Chief of the Secret Service explained why; blacks were not allowed in the motel where the White House detail was staying. It was simpler to not take Bolden than confront the bigotry. President Kennedy tried in several ways to personally make Bolden’s service more memorable. Bolden was introduced to Barry Goldwater, Hubert Humphrey, Bobby Kennedy, Evelyn Lincoln and Pierre Salinger by the president. On the other hand, Bolden was aware of laxness in attention to security by agents. When on duty, agents were to avoid alcohol.  This rule seemed to be continually violated. There was also the bigotry within the secret service regarding blacks, both in and out of the Secret Service. In mid-July, Bolden was having an exit interview from the White House detail; his stint was only for thirty days. He chose to go back to Chicago rather than request staying at the White House. In that exit interview he went over problems, as Bolden saw them, in the Secret Service White House detail. He spoke of racism, and particularly being referred to as a “nigger”. He thought the training was inadequate. He mentioned the drinking while on duty, and he named names and times. [1]

                           The Chicago Assassination Attempt

Bolden’s book does not go into much detail about his role in thwarting a plot to assassinate Kennedy in Chicago. Fortunately, detail can be found elsewhere, particularly in Waldron & Hartman’s book. [2] JFK was scheduled to be in a motorcade from Chicago’s O’Hare Airport to Soldier Field on November 2, 1963. At Soldiers Field he was to watch the Army-Air Force football game with Mayor Daley and other dignitaries. On October 30^th, the Secret Service in Chicago was alerted to an assassination attempt on November 2^nd. This alert came from the FBI, not known for cooperating with the Secret Service. Chicago Secret Service Chief Maurice Martineau reported to other agents that the head of Secret Service, James J. Rowley called, and ordered: There were to be no written reports; Martineau was to communicate any information by phone to Rowley, and no file number was to be used for this case. Photographs of the four suspects were given to each Chicago agent. As it happened, there was an additional person who was considered a threat, Thomas Arthur Vallee, who had a strikingly similar background to Lee Harvey Oswald. Vallee was an ex-Marine, involved with training anti-Castro Cubans with the intention of assassinating Castro. Given the information now available, it would be a possibility that Vallee was to serve as a patsy for the actual assassins. Valle was kept under surveillance by the Chicago Police Department. JFK’s motorcade was cancelled at 9:15 A.M. in a telephone call to newsmen in Washington by Press Secretary Pierre Salinger.

                               The Lost Secret Service Commission Book

Just after the assassination, a Dallas police officer encountered a well dressed man at the grassy knoll in Dealey Plaza. When questioned, the man presented a leather-bound commission book identifying him as an agent of the U.S. Secret Service. At the same time, there were rumors within the Secret Service regarding an agent losing his commission book, perhaps at a strip club, on November 21, 1963, in Dallas. In January, 1964, all Secret Service agents were required to turn in their commission books. The replacement commission books were almost identical to the ones that were replaced. The word “The” was added to the title of the book, and a new photograph was included. It was suspected the new version was released to cover up for the missing book. [3]

                                        Bolden’s Troubles Begin

On May 17, 1964, Bolden, along with fellow Chicago Secret Service agent Gary McLeod, were sent to Washington for overdue Secret Service training. Bolden had intended to talk to J. Lee Rankin to give testimony before the Warren Commission on Bolden’s observations and complaints about past Secret Service agent conduct. Bolden tried to contact the White House switchboard; McLeod was in the next booth, presumably making a call, but more likely listening in on Bolden’s call. When Bolden suspected that McLeod was eavesdropping, Bolden aborted the call. The next day, the first day of the training session, Bolden and McLeod were directed to immediately return to Chicago, with the explanation that they were both needed for a counterfeit investigation. As the trip ensued, it became clear that Bolden was being escorted back to Chicago. When back, he was not allowed to contact his wife or have any food, but little was said about what was going on, other than there was no new counterfeit investigation.  Bolden was informed a warrant had been issued for his arrest, but his request to have his attorney present was ignored.  The questions that were asked addressed his attempt to contact the White House switchboard. Secret Service Inspector Gerard McCann stated, “Listen Abe. Kennedy is dead. We did our best to protect him, and it didn’t work out. We are not going to stand by and let you bury our careers and destroy the Secret Service.” [4]

                                             The First Trial

The trial began on July 6, 1964. The judge was J. Sam Perry. Perry kept a tight reign on Bolden’s lawyer, but gave considerable latitude to the prosecution. Bolden was charged with trying to sell a Secret Service file to Joseph Spagnoli. Spagnoli was a suspect in a counterfeit operation. The file in question, on Spagnoli, was read by Bolden, and as instructed by Agent John Russell, Bolden wrote his comments on the report and give the report to Agent Conrad Cross. Bolden did this. Spagnoli was in the office area that afternoon; Agent Cross then noticed the file was missing. It was concluded that Bolden must have reentered Cross’s office took the file, and Bolden proceeded to try to sell the file to Spagnoli for $50,000; no thought was given  to the possibility that Spagnoli stole the file himself.

The justice system in the US seems to be most effective if the defendant isn’t a minority, if the government feels obligated to treat the defendant fairly, and if the defendant is quite wealthy; Bolden lost on all three counts. Throughout the trial, one might gauge that Bolden faced difficult odds. For example, several items were placed in evidence; a fingerprint expert addressed several exhibits. The expert admitted that none of the exhibits were tested for Bolden’s fingerprints. This did not detract from the exhibits being used by the prosecution. Bolden was also implicated by Frank Jones, a two time convict, with a third charge waiting for him. From Bolden’s point of view, the government was manufacturing documents (and testimony) against Bolden. It is worthwhile to remember that the Warren Committee was still taking testimony at the time of the trial; perhaps they didn’t want to hear from Bolden either. In any event, Bolden would never be allowed to testify to the Warren Commission.

During the trial, Bolden wanted to show that the Secret Service was manufacturing evidence so that the service itself would not be threatened. Bolden wanted to show that the Secret Service had failed in its mission with regard to John F. Kennedy. His attorney responded: ”You have a chance to win this case as it stands now, and I don’t want you to complicate things more than necessary. Judge Perry isn’t going to admit anything about Kennedy or what happened in Dallas into evidence at your trial. The only thing you will accomplish by bringing Kennedy into this is to put your life and the lives of your wife and children in jeopardy. You’re dealing with people who killed the president in the street in broad daylight.” [5]

The jury seemed to be headed in the direction of being a hung jury. Perry concluded a second instruction to the jury with, “I will express to you a comment on the evidence. In my opinion, the evidence sustains a verdict of guilty on counts one, two, and three of the indictment.” [6]

Even as prejudicial as this statement was, the jury remained unable to reach a verdict. The judge set a new trial date for August 3, 1964, just shortly after the first trial ended.

                                            The Second Trial

Before the second trial, Bolden went to a real estate company that he and Agent Cross visited on May 11, 1964, but Cross denied under oath having gone there. The office worker found a record of the two of them being there, but had to ask her employer to make a copy. Both the record of the visit and the employer would be unavailable for the second trial. This trial was less even handed than the first, but with a bizarre twist. The judge ordered everyone out of the building while the jury was deliberating, except himself, the secret service agents, and the government attorneys. Whatever transpired in the building that night, the jury rendered a verdict of guilty the next day.

In a subsequent case, Joseph Spagnoli was on trial, and admitted that he lied when testifying against Bolden in the two earlier cases. J. Sam Perry was also the judge in the Spagnoli trial. Spagnoli asserted that one of the government lawyers, Richard Sikes, had told him to lie. One might think that this revelation might cause a re-investigation. Bolden’s appeal lawyer, Ray Smith, was able to get a copy of an exhibit that was in Spagnoli’s and Sikes handwriting regarding the perjured testimony. Spagnoli had stolen it from Sikes. In an appeal of Bolden’s case a Judge John Hastings directly asked Sikes, “…did you solicit perjured testimony in any of the Bolden trials before the court of District Judge J. Sam Perry?”  Sikes response was, “Your honor, I refuse to answer that question on the grounds that my answer might tend to incriminate me.”

 And yet the conviction was let stand.  Bolden stated, “My conviction had to stand undisturbed in order to silence the echo from Dealey Plaza.” [6]

                                        Post Trial and Prison

Before going to prison, Bolden was placed in the Cook County jail. While there, an inmate told Bolden that another convict said a friend of Spagnoli was placed on the second jury. The night before they voted, the friend called Spagnoli and asked him how he should vote. Judge Perry spoke to the jury (after the defense was removed from the building) just before they voted. Also, the deputy marshal went into the jury room while the jury was deliberating, and discussed the case with them.

It should be remembered that a policeman is at a greater risk in incarceration. It is not unlikely that he would run into convicts whom he’d played a role in their conviction. Perhaps in this sense, Bolden was luckier than some; he would run into those who would like revenge, but he did live to tell his story. Part of that story was told to

Mark Lane

, who included Bolden’s story in Rush to Judgment. [7] Bolden went to several prisons during his incarceration, beginning with Terre Haute (Indiana), then Leavenworth (Kansas). Bolden was then transferred to the Springfield (Missouri) Medical Center for Federal Prisoners, where he would be evaluated  for a mental imbalance- such a diagnosis could lengthen his sentence and render him less believable. While there, he was interviewed by a person introduced to him as Mr. Burt, from Jim Garrison’s office in New Orleans. After Burt’s interview, only family members and Bolden’s lawyer were allowed to speak to Bolden, though Bolden’s lawyer managed to bring another of Garrison’s investigating lawyers with him in a subsequent visit. He would eventually be transferred to a prison camp at Maxwell Air Force Base (Alabama). Bolden was paroled on September 25, 1969, with just four months remaining in his sentence, meaning he would have two years of probation; had he served his full term, there would have been no probation.   

After his release from prison, Bolden continued to try to get his conviction expunged. He first tried to get the transcripts of his trials; no copies could be found. It turned out that someone from Judge Perry’s office checked them out, and they were never returned. Bolden was interviewed by two investigators from the House Select Committee on Assassinations. The committee concluded that the Secret Service was deficient in the performance of their duties, vindicating to some degree Bolden’s efforts. (See also Palamara [8]). The Bolden trial transcripts were finally located in 1995. Bolden attempted to get copies of the transcripts, but his request was denied for failure to fill out the correct forms. Perhaps a future president will give Bolden a pardon; we can only hope such an event occurs within Bolden’s lifetime.

References:

1. Bolden, A. (2008). The Echo from Dealey Plaza: The true story of the first African American on the White House Secret Service detail and his quest for justice after the assassination of J FK. New York: Harmony Books.

 2. Waldron, L. & Hartman, T. (2005). Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy, the plan for a coup in Cuba, and the murder of JFK. New York: Carroll & Graf.

3. Bolden.

4. Ibid., p.74.

5. Ibid., pp. 145-146.

6. Ibid, p. 221.

7. Lane, M. (1966). Rush to Judgment: A Critique of the Warren Commissions Inquiry into the Murders of John F. Kennedy, Officer J.D. Tippet, and Lee Harvey Oswald. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

8. Palamara, V.M. (1993). The Third Alternative: Survivor’s Guilt: The Secret Service and JFK’s Murder. Pittsburgh: Self.

In Dealey Plaza Echo. (2008). 12, 2, 51-54.